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Issue of Slavery - Page 2

 

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The compromise of 1850 was unquestionably a victory for the slave power, and when the question of organizing a territorial government for Kansas came up in 1854, Stephen A. Douglas, chairman of the senate committee on territories, reported back the bill with amendments to make it conform to the letter and spirit of the Utah and New Mexico bills of 1850. (See Kansas-Nebraska Bill.)

While most of these had no direct bearing upon Kansas, each one of them did have something to do in paving the way for the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which placed the issue squarely before the country. Elated by their previous triumphs, the slaveholding interests did not realize, until it was too late, that the enactment of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was a mistake. That bill cost Kansas some 200 human lives and several million dollars' worth of property in what has become known as Bleeding Kansas days. But it brought to the state a strong, self-reliant citizenship that was capable of grappling with and in the end, dethroning slavery.

 

Fugitive slave

Fugitive slave by Henry Prentiss, 1845

This image available for photographic prints and  downloads HERE!

 

Black slaves were brought into what is now the State of Kansas several years before the territory was organized. Some writers believe that 20 slaves brought to Kansas by Mrs. Henry Rogers were the first, though the date when she settled in Kansas is uncertain. Reverend Thomas Johnson introduced slavery at the Shawnee Mission, and as early as the fall of 1843, ten black children were reported there. Immediately after the passage of the organic act, the fight to make Kansas a slave territory began in earnest, the slaveholders of Missouri becoming particularly active in their efforts to accomplish that end. On January 10, 1855, only a few months after the territorial government was inaugurated, four prominent pro-slavery members of Congress, headed by Preston S. Brooks of South Carolina, published in the Washington Sentinel a long letter from Benjamin F. Stringfellow, in which were the following statements: "Kansas is not suited for little farms; it cannot be settled by those who have not the command of labor . . . . In no instance has prairie been first settled by poor men. . . . Slavery exists in Kansas and is legal. . . . It will be found that Missouri is nearer to Kansas than Boston."

The last sentence referred to the efforts of the New England Emigrant Company to send to Kansas people who were opposed to slavery. Stringfellow no doubt thought that emigrants from the northern and eastern states would be deterred by distance, but in this he was mistaken, as subsequent events demonstrated. About the only advantage the slave power gained by the proximity of Missouri was in the election of the first territorial legislature, in March, 1855, when enough voters came over from that state to elect an assembly favorable to the introduction of slavery. That legislature passed stringent laws to punish offenses against slave property. Known as "Black Laws," the author of these laws was allegedly, Joseph C. Anderson, afterward the prosecuting attorney that conducted the cases against the free-state men who were captured at the Battle of Hickory Point. The objects of these laws were to encourage the introduction of slavery into the Territory of Kansas, and to provide severe penalties for the persons who interfered with slave property. Everyone inciting an insurrection or rebellion of slaves in the territory, furnishing arms to slaves or committing "any overt act in furtherance of such rebellion or insurrection," or advising by speech, written or printed matter slaves to rebel, or who would bring into the territory for circulation any book, pamphlet or circular for the purpose of inciting insurrection should suffer the death penalty. Persons enticing slaves away from their masters, or who aided in any way in persuading slaves to leave their owners were subject to imprisonment for ten years. Advising a slave to escape or harboring a runaway slave subjected the offender to imprisonment for five years, and there were some lighter penalties for minor offenses, but the above include the principal features of the so-called "Black Laws." In addition, persons opposed to slavery were disqualified from acting as jurors in the trial of those charged with the violation of the laws.

 

But something more than laws was needed to make Kansas a slave state, and that was the actual presence of slaves. Judging from the newspapers of that period the slaveholders were willing to do everything except take their slaves into Kansas. Under the headline -- "The Suicide of Slavery" -- the St. Louis Intellinger, a strong pro-slavery newspaper, made a vigorous attack on the methods of the slaveholders on August 30, 1855. In the course of that editorial the writer said: 

 

"Alabama and Georgia may hold public meetings and resolve to sustain the slaveholders of Missouri in making Kansas a slave state, but their resolutions comprise all their aid -- which is not 'material' enough for the crisis. When slaveholders of Alabama and Georgia emigrate they go to Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas. They do not come with their slaves to Missouri or Kansas. Call that backing their friends?"


It may have been possible that such criticisms as this from the press had something to do with stimulating the importation of blacks into the territory, as the St. Louis News of March 21, 1856, said:

 

"The Highflyer, in this morning from Louisville, brought between 50 and 60 slaves belonging to families on their way to Kansas. Since the opening of the river fully 500 slaves have arrived from the Ohio river on their way to Kansas. The J. H. Lucas took up nearly 100, the Star of the West 100, the A. B. Chambers 50 or 75, and almost every boat that has started up the Missouri River since the opening of the river has taken up a larger or smaller number. The slaves are in almost every case taken in the cabin, while poor white families going to the same place take passage on deck."

 

Thousands of pro-slavery men from Missouri crossed the

 border into Kansas to stuff the ballot boxes.

 

But, with all the stimulus that could be given to the cause, slavery was doomed to defeat in Kansas. In 1857 the tide of immigration brought from the northern and eastern states a large number of industrious, substantial men, who were attracted by the sales of public lands and the prospect of winning homes for themselves upon the western frontier. These men demanded a government that would enact just laws for the protection of person and property -- a positive government rather than a visionary or negative one -- and immediately began taking steps to establish such a government. Late in that year Governor Robert Walker wrote to William Marcy, Secretary of State in President James Buchanan's cabinet, deploring the admission of an abolition state, and expressing the fear that it would be taken as an act of unpardonable offense by the Southern leaders, who might thereby be driven to a dissolution of the Union.

 

Of the four constitutions made in Kansas, three prohibited slavery in positive terms, the language on the subject being almost identical in the Topeka, Leavenworth and Wyandotte Constitutions. In the Lecompton Constitution, section 16 of the schedule, relating to amendments, provided that "no alteration shall be made to affect the rights of property in the ownership of slaves."

 

Thus, the men who framed that instrument sought not only to establish slavery in Kansas, but also to fasten the institution upon the people in such a way that it would be perpetuated. And, it was under this constitution that President Buchanan sought to have Kansas admitted into the Union. Even after it was generally conceded that Kansas must be a free state, he apparently clung to the idea that slavery could be established there, and on February 2, 1858, he sent a message to Congress urging the admission of the state under the Lecompton Constitution. In that message he said: "It has been solemnly adjudged by the highest judicial tribunal, that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the constitution of the United States. Kansas is therefore, at this moment, as much a slave state as South Carolina or Georgia."

The president wanted Kansas to come into the Union as a slave state, and he may have been sincere in his opinion that the decision of the United States made Kansas slave territory by law. But, the people sometimes reverse the opinion of the "highest judicial tribunal." It was so in this instance. When the first census was taken in February, 1855, there were 192 slaves in the territory. The Federal census of 1860 showed but two. As soon as the Wyandotte Constitution
had been ratified by the people, and it became apparent that the state was to be admitted under it, the slaveholders made haste to remove them elsewhere.

 

Much of the credit of making Kansas a free state is due to the various emigrant aid societies. Edward Everett Hale, in a speech at Bismarck Grove, on the occasion of the quarter-centennial celebration, Septeptember 16, 1879, said: "The Emigrant Aid company, which I represent here, placed $125,000 in this territory. No subscriber to that fund ever received back one cent from the investment. But we had our dividends long ago. They came in Kansas free; a nation free; in the homes of 4,000,000 freedmen here, and the virtual abolition of slavery over the world."



 

Compiled by Kathy Weiser/Legends of Kansas, updated February, 2012.

 

 

 

About the Article: The majority of this historic text was published in Kansas: A Cyclopedia of State History, Volume I; edited by Frank W. Blackmar,  A.M. Ph. D.; Standard Publishing Company, Chicago, IL 1912. However, the text that appears on these page is not verbatim, as additions, updates, and editing have occurred. 

United States Map, 1856

1856 map shows slave states in gray, free states in red, US territories in

 green, and undecided Kansas in center  with no color.

 

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