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Jayhawking - Page
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Marais des Cygnes Massacre in May, 1858
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Elsewhere, the desperadoes met with better success.
Out of a considerable number of prisoners, eleven were selected, marched off to
a neighboring gulch, and drawn up in line before their captors. “Gentlemen,”
said one of the eleven, among whom there was no flinching or parlaying, “if you
are going to shoot, take good aim.”
“Ready,”
Hamelton shouted, but before he could speak
the word “Fire,” a repenting ruffian turned away, and said, with an oath --
"I'll have nothing to do with such a piece of business as this.”
Hamelton
discharged his own pistol and a general volley followed.
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The entire line of prisoners went down -- five of
them killed outright, five wounded, and one unharmed. The shocking affair
produced a tremendous excitement far and wide. There was a hot, clattering, idle
pursuit of the assassins. But, justice overtook but one of them, and that after
a delay of five years.
The authorities at Lecompton did not lay the
responsibility for a state of things that culminated in the
Marais des Cygnes
assassinations wholly or chiefly at the door of pro-slavery men. At all events,
soon after receiving intelligence of them, Governor
James
Denver placed warrants in
the hands of Deputy Marshal, Captain Samuel Walker for the arrest of
James Montgomery. When Walker reached
Raysville, ten or fifteen miles northwest of Fort Scott, he found a large
convention in session. “What are you after?” asked an acquaintance under his
breath.
“I've come down to take
Montgomery.”
“You can't do it. That thing's out of the question.”
The marshal concluded that it would be wise to keep
his writs out of sight. “I don't know
Montgomery,” he said, “and I don't wish
to have him pointed out. If he is, I shall have to make an effort to take him."
The speaking, inflamed by the recent massacre,
proceeded with furious energy. Nothing less than the extinction of Fort Scott --
an infamous nest of border ruffians which was sheltering some of the
Marais des Cygnes murderers -- would pacify the convention. The authorities sent down
sheriffs to arrest Free-State
men, but they were unsuccessful.
The sneer brought Walker to his feet. He volunteered
to serve any warrants in Fort Scott with which he might be furnished, and the
proposal touched a popular chord. An unexpected difficulty threatened to
frustrate the whole enterprise. Nobody could be found authorized to issue the
necessary papers. “Get a common justice's writ,” said Walker, “and I'll go,
though as a federal officer I have no business to serve it."
Walker, escorted by
Montgomery incognito, reached Fort Scott
on the 30th, and proceeded at once to the house of
George Washington Clarke,
who, as leader of the
Linn County
raid in 1856 as well as for other reasons, had
incurred great unpopularity in
Free-State quarters.
The marshal vainly pounded upon the door with his fist, and then tried the butt
of his pistol without eliciting any response. But the town was astir. The street
swarmed with
Clarke's
friends armed to the teeth, while
Montgomery and his band were fully prepared for anything that might
happen.
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Walker, having procured some heavy iron
implement from a government wagon standing near, was about to renew his attack
on the door when
Clarke
thrust his head from a window, and offered to surrender. In a few moments the
door swung open, and he appeared with his wife clung to one arm, and his
daughter to the other, while in his hands there was an old-fashioned cavalry
carbine. Very properly,
Clarke
wished to examine the marshal's papers, which that gentleman declined to
exhibit, since legally they were of no account.
“I'll give you two minutes to surrender,” thundered
the marshal, drawing his pistol. “I heard the click of rifles about me,” Walker
related, “as I covered
Clarke
with my revolver. There was a silence like death. Nobody said a word. Major
Williams held his watch to count the time. I saw nothing except the border
ruffian before me. I was told that pro-slavery rifles were pointed at me while
my escort aimed at
Clarke.
It was a mighty solemn state of affairs. The two minutes, I think, must have
almost expired when
Clarke,
white as a sheet, handed me his carbine.” Walker afterwards arrested
Montgomery himself, but, later, all the
prisoners managed to escape, and he returned to Lecompton empty-handed.
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The escort retired in a soured, disappointed frame
of mind. The dramatic tableau had dissolved with no revenge, failing to satisfy
the matter-of-fact
Jayhawkers. They soon planned a second expedition, and on the
night of June 6th,
Montgomery made a descent upon the town.
Quietly securing the sentinels before they could raise an alarm, he applied the
torch to some of the public buildings and retreated to a neighboring ravine. An
alarm was shortly raised, and citizens hurriedly gathered to extinguish the
flames, when the marauders skulking in the ravine opened fire. Never was a crowd
taken more completely by surprise or dispersed more quickly. However, the men of
Fort Scott returned the shots and the fires were put out. The whole event
accomplished nothing beyond a little blackening and charring, a lively scare,
and stained and bullet-marked buildings.
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Civil
War guerillas by W.D. Matthews, Harper's Weekly, 1864.
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Finally, Governor
James
Denver, accompanied by
Charles Robinson, made a tour through southeast Kansas
in an attempt to solve the difficulties. They visited different points and were
kindly received. On June 14th, the trip reached a sort of climax at
Fort Scott, where there was a large mass-meeting with numerous speeches.
Governor
Denver made a conciliatory address. “I shall treat actual settlers,” he
said, “without regard to former differences. I do not propose to dig up or
review the past. Both parties, I believe, have done wrong and are worthy of
censure, but I shall let all that go. My mission is to secure peace for the
future.” The governor suggested the election of new county officers, the
patrolling of the border by federal troops, delay in the execution of old writs
until they should pass the ordeal of competent judicial tribunals, and the
dispersion of all guerrilla bands. These measures received general approval, and
introduced a few weeks of comparative peace.
Shortly after Governor
Denver's peace-making tour,
John Brown,
absent for some months, reappeared in Kansas.
Treachery on the part of a confidant led to postponement of the contemplated
Virginia campaign, and his return was a feint to throw the public off the scent.
During his absence in the East,
Brown
was able, with the assistance of friends, to put his family, which remained at
North Elba, New York, on a more comfortable footing than had been their fortune.
John Brown's
final visit to Kansas lasted about
six months. That interval he spent mainly in the southeast part of the state. On
his way there, he stopped in
Lawrence and
had a talk with
Charles Robinson. “You have succeeded,” he said, “in what you
undertook. You aimed to make of Kansas
a free state, and your plans were skillfully laid for that purpose. But I had
another object in view. I meant to strike a blow at slavery."
In southeast Kansas,
Brown
made but one excursion across the
Missouri line
in December, which resulted in the destruction of considerable property, the
liberation of eleven slaves, and the death of a slave-owner. The raid caused
great excitement, especially in
Missouri, and
resulted in legislative action, which brought the territorial Jayhawking era
substantially to a close. During the autumn, Governor Stewart, of
Missouri,
opened correspondence with Governor
Denver and with President Buchanan in regard
to the troubles. He informed
Denver that it might be “necessary to station an
armed force along the border in
Missouri, for
purposes of protection.” Governor
Denver promised to leave nothing undone to
suppress the outrages, but hoped that it might not be necessary for
Missouri to
put an armed force into the field. On August 9th, Governor Stewart
wrote President Buchanan that he had ordered a body of militia into Cass and
Bates counties, because they “have been subjected to the repeated depredations
of one or more marauding parties from the territory of Kansas,
in consequence of which there is no security for either life or property.
Citizens of
Missouri have
been driven from their homes, their property taken or destroyed, and their farms
laid waste; and without the protection of an armed force our citizens have not
dared to return to their homes to reside.”
These measures allayed the disorders, and there was
no further serious trouble until
Brown's
raid. January 6th, 1859, Governor Stewart sent a message to the
Missouri
Legislature, asking that steps be taken for redressing the outrage. He also
transmitted memorials from thirty-five citizens of Bates and Vernon counties to
the effect that there is “a regularly organized band of thieves, robbers, and
midnight assassins upon the western border of our county,” begging him “to take
into consideration the accompanying affidavits of citizens who have been robbed
and outraged at their homes by a band of lawless men from the Territory of Kansas,
supposed to be headed by the notorious
Brown
and
Montgomery; and also the terrible
situation of the family of the late and lamented David Cruise, who has been
foully murdered in the bosom of his family by these desperadoes.”
A bill was introduced into the State Senate
authorizing the employment of a military force to patrol the border, but
referred to the committee on federal relations, who made a singularly
dispassionate and sensible report covering the whole subject of border
difficulties. End the end, the committee did not recommend the use of a military
force to disperse the outlaws that had congregated in the southern portion of
the Territory of Kansas for two
years. Instead, they advised that rewards should be offered for the arrest of
Jayhawking leaders, and that circuit judges should hold special terms in the
disturbed districts at which grievances might be investigated and redressed.
These rational suggestions, smoking with far less passion than might have been
anticipated, were adopted by the legislature. Governor Stewart put a price of
three thousand dollars on
John Brown's
head, but to no purpose.
During the summer of 1859 better days fairly began
in the lawless, turbulent, freebooting area. It could not be expected that
long-established guerrilla habits would instantly lose their charm and power. In
spite of all repressive influences-- federal, territorial, Missourian -- their
decline was gradual.
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Compiled and edited by
Kathy Weiser/Legends
of Kansas, updated April, 2010.
About the Article: This text was first
published in The Prelude To The War For The Union in 1885, written by Leverett Spring, State University,
Lawrence, Kansas, 1885. However, the text that appears on this page is not
verbatim, as additions, updates, and editing have occurred.
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